SBL paper on Bezae’s “anti-feminist” readings now online

Yesterday I presented a paper on Bezae’s so-called “anti-feminist” readings in Acts at the 2016 SBL Annual Meeting in San Antonio, offering an alternative “anti-ascetic” interpretation of these readings on the basis of a proposed context in the late fourth century. The paper (with footnotes) is now available for viewing and download here. (For further background and an abstract, see my earlier announcement.)

Contextualizing Bezae’s “anti-feminist” readings near the time of the manuscript’s production avoids several pitfalls affecting typical attempts to place these readings in a second-century context or earlier:

  1. We may now draw a specific connection between the manuscript as artifact, produced with evident effort and expense, and pressing issues in the church at the time of production in circa 400.
  2. We can make historical connections that move beyond vague observation of a trend towards the institutionalization of patriarchal social conventions in the church.
  3. We avoid obvious anachronisms associated with the term “anti-feminist.”

A number of insightful questions were raised by colleagues, including a well-taken point about the inherent uncertainty regarding the status of apparently singular readings — whether in assessing scribal habits or Bezae’s uppermost layer. Naturally we are unable to attain certainty about what still-unknown sources might reveal about a given reading.1 I would suggest though that in dating Bezae’s uppermost textual layers singularity is not strictly required if the associated witnesses are related in other ways to a common provenance and time frame. So if Bezae does in fact attest a late fourth-century text, then its agreements with similarly late Old Latin manuscripts and capitula might reflect a common textual layer close to Bezae’s production.2

Another insightful question was raised concerning how to reconcile the late date I propose for these readings with the attestation of similar Bezan readings in the middle-Egyptian tradition, an important issue that I have discussed in a previous post.

A working theory of Bezae’s text

The aim of this post is to outline a working theory of Bezae’s text in the gospels and Acts, starting with five well-known features of Bezae’s text:1

  1. Isolation from the Greek mainstream
  2. Old Latin parallels
  3. Parallels with ancient writers
  4. East-West exchange of readings
  5. Major variation in Acts

Isolation from the Greek mainstream

Bezae’s Greek text is composed of three primary layers assembled at the end of the fourth century (c. 385), each layer representing a distinct source of mixture:2

  1. A Greek base, perhaps connected to the library at Caesarea
  2. A selective retroversion of Latin readings from various Old Latin source traditions
  3. An upper “scribal” layer (not actually by Bezae’s scribe)3

Bezae’s mixture of layers obscures its individual component traditions and hides its mainstream relationships: A significant side effect of layering is that Bezae’s text as a whole appears isolated from the mainstream tradition.4 But if we partition Bezae’s readings into natural layers, these individual layers can be related to the mainstream tradition.5 So when Old Latin and “singular” readings are set aside, Bezae has a very mainstream Greek text, with parallels to Family 1, Origen, and other texts associated with Caesarea.

Final layer combination dating to c. 385: Bezae’s three immediate layers were brought together at the end of the fourth century (c. 385) based on the following considerations:

  1. Bezae’s text must post-date the late, so-called “European” or “northern Italian” form of the Old Latin tradition (350–380) to which it is partially assimilated.6 Bezae’s close relationship with this late form of the Old Latin is most apparent in Mark.7
  2. Bezae’s upper layer exhibits a well-documented interest in enhancing Peter’s role in Acts.8 This same interest is found in Bezae’s Corrector G (see post), suggesting that Bezae’s upper layer was produced at the same time as the manuscript and exemplar, that is, close to its initial correction.9
  3. Documented tendencies detected in Bezae’s upper “scribal” layer, especially the augmentation of Peter, fit a late fourth-century context (see post).
    1. Pro-Petrine tendencies – driven by the promotion of Constantinople to second rank among apostolic sees at the Council of Constantinople (381) (see post).
    2. Anti-ascetic tendencies – a response to Jerome (380’s) or possibly Jovinian (390s)
    3. Anti-Judaic tendencies – motivated by church orders segregating Christians and Jews, reflecting marginalization of Jews in imperial code (see post)
    4. Other tendencies – all documented tendencies fit a context of c. 385
  4. The assumption that the Vulgate revision of the gospels provided some impetus for Bezae’s project as a means to legitimate the Old Latin version (384-385) (see post)
  5. Rome’s mediation in the Antiochian schism as a background for shared readings in the Latin and Syriac traditions as well as between Bezae and other “Western”-influenced Greek MSS (378-397).10

Bezae’s Greek base with Caesarean connections: Bezae’s Greek base had an independent history before being appropriated by Bezae’s producers in the final two decades of the fourth century.11 Several studies suggest that Bezae’s Greek base has connections with Caesarea in Palestine as a possible provenance.12

Bezae’s Latin column a composite of Old Latin texts: Bezae’s Latin column reflects a hybridization of Latin texts, “African” and “European,” according to the traditional nomenclature, which accounts for its independence within the Latin tradition.13

Old Latin parallels

Latin assimilation a major process in Bezan Greek text: Bezae’s distinctive parallels with the Old Latin version result from assimilation to the Latin version through a process of selective retroversion (on assimilation theories, see my survey of Bezan theories).14

Bezae’s Greek text a partial retroversion of various Latin versions: Bezae’s Greek column reflects a process of selective assimilation to one or more strands of the Old Latin version. The Greek column may not be derived directly from the Latin column (at least as written), though it shares the same readings.15 A proposed process is as follows:

  1. Multiple Latin versions were combined to create an archetypical Latin column
  2. Latin column archetype translated into Greek and used to correct a Greek base text
  3. Resulting Greek and Latin columns mutually corrected to agree, obscuring the dependence of the Greek column on the archetypical Latin column.

Parallels with ancient writers

Ancient parallels in Bezae are direct or indirect echoes of second- or third-century writers: Bezae’s parallels with ancient writers reached its text through one of two routes:

  1. Incorporation of parallels already in the Old Latin version indirectly through assimilation to this version (see post).
  2. Deliberate archaizing of Bezae’s text form to agree with authoritative ancient writers, such as Tertullian, Cyprian, Victorinus, and Irenaeus.16

The implication is that no second-century writer had access to a so-called “Western” or pre-“Western” text. Readings shared by Bezae with ancient writers and the Old Latin tradition were likely assimilated into Bezae’s text through the Old Latin tradition. Particularly vivid parallels with ancient writers and parallels not shared with the Old Latin tradition may have resulted from deliberate archaizing of the fourth-century text.17

East-West exchange of readings

Western mediation in the Antiochian schism (378-397) a plausible background for Bezae’s text: The exchange of readings responsible for Bezae’s Latin and Syriac parallels and possibly also its parallels with Codex Sinaiticus (א) in John 1–8 and with P127 in Acts occurred towards the end of the fourth century in the aftermath of the Arian controversy, when the East faced a struggle to rebuild its institutions (on East-West exchange, see post). The Antiochian Schism (362-397) provides a plausible backdrop for the introduction of Old Latin readings from West to East by representatives of Rome during the period of mediation (378-397), though important work may have occurred in Caesarea in Palestine.18 Basil of Caesarea (d. 379) explicitly sought Rome’s involvement in mediating the Antiochian schism between rival orthodox parties (Epistles 70, 92). In the subsequent period, numerous delegations were sent in both directions between Rome and Antioch, providing a promising setting for the exchange of texts.19

Major variation in Acts

Bezae’s Acts text establishes an apostolic precedent for recognition of Petrine primacy: Significant rewriting in canonical Acts is a side effect of this book’s importance for establishing apostolic precedent in general and especially recognition of Petrine primacy, in late fourth-century debates. The issue of Petrine primacy was particularly relevant in the case of Rome’s intervention in the politics of an ancient see, such as Antioch, and its rivalry with Constantinople after the Council of 381.

Rome, Petrine primacy, and Bezae’s text

In a previous post, I noted the apparent interest of Bezae’s initial corrector, Corrector G, in passages that pertain to Peter and his role of authority among the apostles. I also suggested that this corrector, whose work is confined to Matthew and the first four chapters of Acts, may have focused on these two books, not because he grew tired of correcting in Matthew and hence skipped to Acts due to its unusual text, but rather because these two books contain the passages he was most interested in, namely, passages concerning the question of Petrine primacy.

Now as D. C. Parker has shown, Bezae’s distinctive text was not created by the scribe, who closely followed the text of his exemplar. [1] Yet the final form of Bezae’s text exhibits the same interest we find in Corrector G in passages relevant to Peter’s role, often with the effect of augmenting Peter’s role in the narrative. [2] But if the scribe did not introduce this feature, it seems we must consider whether Bezae’s exemplar also developed under the oversight of the initial corrector. Unless this interest in Peter is coincidental, we might infer, at least for Bezae, that its text of Acts could not have been produced much earlier than the manuscript itself. [3]

Of course, it is by no means impossible that there were other sets of circumstances in which Peter’s role might have been augmented. But when we consider the acute relevance of the question of Petrine authority following the Council of Constantinople in 381, at which Constantinople was promoted above the ancient sees of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem to a rank of second place only to Rome, the time frame immediately prior to Bezae’s production suddenly becomes highly interesting as a potential context for the development of a particular interest in Peter’s role.

In suggesting a context for this special interest in Peter, we might begin then with Canon 3 of the Council of Constantinople:

“The Bishop of Constantinople … shall have the prerogative of honour after the Bishop of Rome; because Constantinople is New Rome.” (NPNF 2.14, 178)

The impact of this canon can be assessed when we consider that sixty years later Rome was still protesting it, as Leo the Great remonstrates with Anatolius, Bishop of Constantinople:

“For your purpose [to invoke the primacy of Constantinople over the Eastern sees] is in no way whatever supported by the written assent of certain bishops [who convened at the Council of Constantinople] given, as you allege, 60 years ago, and never brought to the knowledge of the Apostolic See by your predecessors” (Leo the Great, Epistle 106.5; NPNF 2.12, 79)

Leo argues that Constantinople’s claim rests purely on its secular status as New Rome and hence is inferior to the apostolic claim of the other sees, which Leo seems to assume were all founded on the authority of Peter:

“Things secular stand on a different basis from things divine: and there can be no sure building save on that rock [i.e. Peter] which the LORD has laid for a foundation. … Let him [Anatolius] not disdain a city which is royal, though he cannot make it an Apostolic See” (Leo the Great, Epistle 104.3; NPNF 2.12, 75)

Of course, Leo is alluding to Peter’s connection, not only to Rome, but also to the three demoted sees. Now Peter’s connection with Antioch (formerly the third see) and Jerusalem (formerly the fourth) is established in the New Testament. But Leo also claims Peter as the founder of the See of Alexandria (formerly second) on the basis of Mark’s traditional discipleship under Peter:

“The See of Alexandria may not lose any of that dignity which it merited through S. Mark, the evangelist and disciple of the blessed Peter” (Leo the Great, Epistle 106.5; NPNF 2.12, 79)

In fact, Peter is the only apostle that all of the ancient sees could claim in common, a finding that Leo tries to exploit in his contention that Constantinople usurped the second rank from Alexandria.

So it is evident that Rome’s rivalry with Constantinople in the period after 381 offers a compelling setting for the pattern we find in Bezae’s text of Acts, which in various ways highlights Peter’s unique authority as founding apostle of the church in Acts. Of course, by the end of the fourth century, only a canonical text could have served as the basis for this unique appeal to Peter’s authority. This might explain why Bezae’s text of Acts is more recent than that of its gospels. It may also explain why the text of Acts receives disproportionate emphasis in general in the so-called “Western” text.

Now if this connection is warranted, the long text of Acts we find in Bezae (and possibly in other witnesses) might be seen as promoting the perspective, not only of Rome, but also of the demoted sees of Alexandria and Antioch, yet certainly not of Constantinople. It is remarkable then that the distribution of the so-called “Western” text follows the locations the ancient apostolic sees, in both East and West, while avoiding the area around Constantinople. Hence, both Syria and Egypt attest versional representatives of the so-called “Western” texts of Acts. Just as this long text existed in Latin in various forms for the benefit of the church in the West, so too did it exist in Greek for the benefit of the church in the East — and not only in Greek, but also in the Eastern versions, whether Coptic or Syriac.


References

[1] “It is not permissible to regard the text of D as coterminous with the
Codex Bezae.” D. C. Parker, Codex Bezae: An early Christian manuscript and its text (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) 96. Note that Parker’s statement in the context of Bezae’s sense lines does not comment on the possibility that the D text might be coterminous with Bezae’s exemplar. Note also that Parker’s reconstruction allows Bezae’s exemplar of Acts to have been transcribed through the end of the fourth century (p. 281).

[2] J. Crehan, “Peter according to the D-Text of Acts,” Theological Studies 18 (1957) 596–603. See A. G. Brock, “Appeasement, Authority, and the Role of Women in the D-Text of Acts” in T. Nicklas and M. Tilly, The Book of Acts as Church History: Text, Textual Traditions and Ancient Interpretations (BZNW 120. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003) 205-224 at 210-215 for others who have observed this variation of emphasis on Peter or have noted it in their citations.

[3] See Parker, Bezae, 118-119, who observes significantly that Bezae’s Acts tradition is more recent than that of its gospels.

Bezae’s elusive Sabbath worker episode and fourth-century anti-Judaizing canons

Bezae’s point of view on the Sabbath is difficult to pin down despite its apparent interest in Sabbath-related passages. This is certainly true of one of Bezae’s more enigmatic variations, depicting Jesus’ encounter with a man working on the Sabbath in Luke 6:5:

“On the same day seeing a certain worker on the Sabbath, he [Jesus] said to him, ‘Man, if you know what you are doing (οιδας τι ποιεις), you are blessed. But if you do not know, you are accursed (επικαταρατος) and a transgressor of the law!'” [1]

Despite wide diversity of opinion concerning potential initial contexts for this saying, interpreters have consistently placed it in the second century or earlier. [2] Of course, this putative saying of Jesus stands out not only in condoning work on the Sabbath, but moreover encouraging it, offering blessing to the man who works on the Sabbath while knowing what he does, yet abruptly pronouncing a curse if he does not know what he does.

In fact, both halves of the pericope are startling in different ways. Yet both halves offer clues suggesting that in its final form the saying belongs in the fourth century, echoing decisions on church order made concerning Christian observance of the Sabbath versus the Lord’s day. It is well-known that by the mid-fourth century, the Lord’s day had been set aside as a day of rest for those who were able to do so (Codex Justin. 3.12.3), while at the same time, resting on the Sabbath was increasingly viewed as “Judaizing” and heretical. The only sure way to avoid the charge of heresy was to work on the Sabbath.

Consider Canon 29 from the Council of Laodicea (ca 363):

“Christians are not to Judaize and rest on the Sabbath. Rather they are to work on this day and honor the Lord’s day, during which they may rest as Christians. But if they are found to be Judaizers, let them stand accursed from Christ (ἔστωσαν ἀνάθεμα παρά Χριστῷ).” [3]

The formal parallels with the Sabbath worker saying stand out at once, but especially the explicit affirmation of work on the Sabbath. Also noteworthy of course are the anathemas, though given (ostensibly) for different reasons. In any case, the form of the saying in Bezae parallels that of the prescription of Canon 29 at Laodicea in a manner that suggests that work on the Sabbath was a matter that set Christians apart from “Judaizing” heretics. In fact, the juridical nature of the saying is noted by E. Bammel, who, while not considering the fourth century as a possible context, nevertheless observes:

“The form of the saying is not without relevance. It gives knowledge its place within a framework which contains elements of juridical argumentation, prescription and liability to penalty.” [4]

But if we suppose such a context, what are we to make of the Sabbath worker’s knowledge in Bezae’s saying? In this light we might consider how the fourth-century redactor of Ignatius’ Epistle to the Magnesians urges Christians to keep a spiritual Sabbath as they perform physical labor on the Sabbath:

“let every one of you keep the Sabbath after a spiritual manner, rejoicing in meditation on the law, not in relaxation of the body” (Magn. 9; ANF. 1)

Of course, this makes Sabbath observance a kind of knowledge peculiar to Christians, who otherwise do not keep the literal Sabbath. In a sense then this knowledge defines a true Christian versus an unbelieving heretic. In a manner that is almost typical of the fourth century, it is this profession of doctrine that ultimately determines one’s status — whether blessed or damned.

While Jewish-Christianity was of course a factor in the first and second centuries, it continued to draw notice throughout the fourth century. Speaking of the contemporary Nazoraeans, Epiphanius describes how they are “still fettered by the law — circumcision, the Sabbath, and the rest,” before declaring them “under a curse” (υπο καταραν) (Pan. 29.7.5,8.1). [3] But his subsequent indictment that they are not of one mind with Christians (χριστιανοις δε μη ομογνωμονουντες) (Pan. 19.7.5), is most telling in suggesting that doctrinal differences concerning Sabbath observance may in fact supply a plausible context for Bezae’s otherwise puzzling reference to the Sabbath worker’s knowledge as what saves or curses his efforts.

So what then is the Sabbath worker to know about his work on the Sabbath? Apparently, he is to know that his physical labors do not detract from the spiritual significance of the Sabbath as the day of rest.


References

[1] Translations mine unless indicated.

[2] See E. Bammel, “The Cambridge Pericope. The Addition to Luke 6.4 in Codex Bezae,” New Testament Studies 32 (1986) 404–426 at 405.

[3] C. J. Hefele, ed., Histoire des conciles, 1/2.1015.

[4] Translation by F. Williams (1987), 117, 118.

Upcoming SBL presentation on Bezae’s “anti-feminist” readings in Acts

I will be presenting at the 2016 SBL Annual Meeting in San Antonio, Texas, on Codex Bezae’s so-called “anti-feminist” readings. According to the online program book, the presentation is currently scheduled for the morning session on Sunday, 20 November. I will approach these primarily “singular” Bezan readings from the perspective of the fourth-century anti-ascetic movement, active in the decade preceding Bezae’s paleographically-assigned date of ca 400 and evidenced, for example, by the Jovinian controversy at Rome in the early 390’s.

The title and abstract are on the SBL site and below:

The ascetic choices of Rome’s aristocratic women and ecclesiastical authority in late fourth-century Rome as a proposed background for Codex Bezae’s “anti-feminist” readings in Acts

The “Western” text of Acts is often cited for a tendency to diminish the visibility and prominence of women, sometimes thought to reflect a second-century context (Schüssler Fiorenza, 1983; Witherington, 1984). But Holmes (2003) observes that at least half of the cited readings are attested only by Codex Bezae, which suggests that they may belong to a narrower layer of variants deriving from a time closer to Bezae’s production in ca. 400 C.E. In this paper, I will argue that specific concerns apparent in these readings are anticipated by critics of the privileged status of sexual asceticism in the Latin West in the final decades of the fourth century, including Helvidius, Jovinian, Filastrius, Vigilantius, and especially Ambrosiaster, whose ostensibly spiritual objections (e.g. charges of Manichaeism) were in part animated by a contest for authority over female lay ascetics of the Roman aristocracy, whose perceived independence was seen as a challenge not merely to the integrity of the household but also to the prerogatives of the male ecclesiastical hierarchy (Clark, 1981; Hunter, 1989). On the one hand, Bezae enhances precedents favorable to arguments against the special prestige of sexual renunciation, such as the apostolic example of marriage and procreation (a point argued by Ambrosiaster and Jovinian), evident in Bezae’s mention of wives and children in the upper room (Acts 1:14) and reinforced by the enlargement of the married Peter’s role over that of the celibate Paul in Bezae’s tradition (Brock, 2003). On the other hand, Bezae’s obfuscation of the conversion accounts of women who are depicted in Acts as making spiritual choices outside the authority structure of the household, such as the public profession of Damaris, apparently unaccompanied by a husband, who chooses to follow Paul, a man who is not her husband (Acts 17:34), accords well with Ambrosiaster’s contention that women possessed the imago Dei only through a male head (Hunter, 1992). These and other parallels suggest that the decades prior to Bezae’s production warrant closer attention as a potential context for its “anti-feminist” readings.

Do Bezae’s correctors share the tendencies of its readings?

The work of Bezae’s early correctors has long been recognized for suggesting tantalizing glimpses of its original context. As the earliest corrector, corrector G is of special interest as apparently contemporaneous with the copyist. [1] F. C. Burkitt describes this first corrector as:

“a person in authority, examining the codex before he gives it his imprimatur, to use a convenient anachronism. I venture therefore to suggest that G is the handwriting of the Bishop of the church for which Codex Bezae was originally prepared” [2]

Of course, various purported tendencies have long been recognized in Bezae’s text of Acts. But might corrector G share any of these interests?

One well-known tendency is Bezae’s augmentation of Peter’s role in Acts, examined by J. Crehan in his 1957 article, “Peter according to the D-Text of Acts.” Crehan hypothesized that a second-century reviser was stirred by Marcion’s success to reiterate the authority of Peter:

“One must look to a time between the compiling of the original version of Acts and the middle of the second century. There was, therefore, at that time someone who was intent on making the position of Peter much more striking than the existing record made it. … One might hazard the conjecture that it was the doings of Marcion at Rome which led, before 150, to the revision of Acts so as to bring out more clearly the position of the one at Rome who claimed Petrine authority against this heretic from Pontus who had founded his rival church in Rome.” [3]

Yet not only is this conception of Petrine authority somewhat anachronistic, there is no real evidence to support such a response to Marcion in the second century.

On the other hand, we might observe that corrector G, working in ca 400, also seems to have taken an interest in Peter and his role in Acts. This was a time when papal authority had in fact become a significant issue, as witnessed not only in Rome’s rivalry with the new See of Constantinople, which had recently been accorded a “second place among equals” status at the Second Ecumenical Council (381), but also through the contested papal election of Damasus (366), after which the latter sought to cement his claim in epigraphic verse extolling the Roman martyrs, including this magnificent specimen:

“Not by human power or art, …
but with the help of Peter, pre-eminent [among the apostles],
to whom was handed over the very door of heaven,
I, Damasus, Bishop of Christ, built this.
There is one chair of Peter and one true baptism
that no chain can bind.” [4]

Turning to corrector G, we observe that his annotations are limited to Matthew and the first four chapters of Acts, a situation that may well be explained with reference to Matthew’s initial position and Acts’ unusual text. But it might also be explained by the significance of these two books for establishing Petrine primacy. After all, Jesus establishes Peter’s unique authority most explicitly in Matthew 16:18 of the four gospels, while the first four chapters of Acts relate Peter’s early road to leadership at the See in Rome.

While we might suppose the corrector had intended to review the entire MS from the beginning, tiring and losing zeal after Matthew, it is equally possible that he focused on those passages that seemed most relevant to his interests or at least that he gave these passages special attention. Indeed, Burkitt observes that:

“he makes corrections where he chances to have been reading.” [5]

But if this is so, the places he paused to do his most meaningful work are instructive. Fifteen of the twenty-one significant corrections noted by Parker in Acts relate to the speeches and deeds of Peter, which despite Acts’ focus on Peter, is still rather out of proportion:

  • Peter’s speech standing up among the disciples in the upper room (Acts 1:15 [2x], 20, 21)
  • Peter’s Pentecost sermon (Acts 2:30)
  • Peter’s call to repent and be baptized (Acts 2:38)
  • Peter and John heal the lame beggar (Acts 3:3, 4)
  • Peter preaches at Solomon’s Colonnade (Acts 3:11, 13, 17, 26)
  • Peter’s entrance before the Sanhedrin (Acts 4:7)
  • Peter filled with the Holy Spirit (Acts 4:9 [2x])

In Matthew, the general emphasis is clearly not only on Peter, though five of the thirty significant corrections involve central Petrine passages:

  • Peter’s confession of Christ (Matt 16:16, 17)
  • Jesus’ rebuke of Peter (Matt 16:23)
  • Peter’s payment of the temple tax (Matt 17:25)
  • Authority to bind and loose on earth and in heaven (Matt 18:18, reprise of 16:19)

While as Parker notes, the corrections are too slight to detect clear patterns of meaning, nevertheless their place in the text does seem highly suggestive as to the selectivity of our corrector regarding the passages he considered worth his trouble to review. In fact, Parker suggests of corrector G that:

“where his corrections are not stylistic, they are to be regarded as a more authoritative witness to tradition than are those of the first hand.” [6]

But if the interests of our authoritative corrector are so well-aligned with what we already suspect about the text itself, it now seems far less necessary to ascribe these same tendencies to the second century. More straightforward is the notion that they came together within the context in which the MS was produced at the turn of the fifth century.


References

[1] D. C. Parker, Codex Bezae: An early Christian manuscript and its text (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) 36.

[2] F. C. Burkitt, “The Date of Codex Bezae,” JTS 3 (1902) 501–513 at 511.

[3] J. Crehan, “Peter according to the D-Text of Acts,” ThSt 18 (1957) 596–603 at 601.

[4] Non haec humanis opibus, non arte magistra … sed praestante Petro, cui tradita ianua caeli est, antistes Christi conposuit Damasus. una Petri sedes, unum uerumque lauacrum, uincula nulla tenent. M. Ihm, ed., Damasi Epigrammata (Anthologiae Latinae Supplementa; vol. 1; Leipzig, 1895) 9–10, presumably on the Vatican baptistry, translation mine.

[5] Burkitt, “Date,” 511.

[6] Parker, Bezae, 129-130.

 

Major Late Textual Changes in Codex Bezae?

On April 14, Prof. Larry Hurtado published a notice on his blog about a new book on the Pericope Adulterae (= PA): The Pericope of the Adulteress in Contemporary Research, eds. David Alan Black and Jacob N. Cerone (London:  Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2016). In the notice, Prof. Hurtado questions a common assumption in the field of NT textual criticism that the vast majority of significant changes to the NT text were introduced during a “wild” period of uncontrolled textual development in the second and third centuries, after which a period of stability reigned beginning in the fourth century.

Why am I Excited about this Question?

First of all, I am delighted that the question is being asked. Several areas of my research on Codex Bezae and the so-called “Western” text explore evidence of systematic changes to the text of the gospels and Acts in the latter part of the fourth century. These topics, particularly as they relate to the phenomenon of layering in Bezae’s text (Holmes, 1996), are addressed here on my blog and in my small but growing list of publications and papers.

(Note that Prof. Hurtado’s own contribution to the book explores these questions in further detail, though I have not seen it as of this post. Therefore my remarks here are based on the question raised in the blog post.)

The Challenge

The question Prof. Hurtado raises (as two questions) is as follows:

Is it possible that the common view of the transmission-history of NT writings (however intuitively it appeals) is wrong, or at least seriously defective? More specifically, were there factors and dynamics in the later period that facilitated the inclusion and wide acceptance of these sizeable variants?

The question of major textual change in the later period (i.e. the fourth century and beyond) is the crux of the challenge to the common view, which in general assumes that all major variations were introduced by the end of the third century, after which the text reached a point of essential stability. But if the PA appears in its fully-developed form (or forms) only in the fourth century as the evidence seems to suggest, we are led to inquire as to whether the notion of a stable fourth-century text must be abandoned. On the other hand, recognizing the diversity within the tradition, perhaps we can accommodate major change in certain parts of the tradition, while acknowledging a degree of control in others.

The Place of Codex Bezae

Whatever we believe about its history, it is clear Codex Bezae represents one of the extremes of diversity in the tradition. But the unique place of Bezae’s tradition points to one area where we can further nuance the question. Bezae’s highly divergent text reminds us that we can expect different parts of the tradition to be more closed or open to change than others. We cannot expect the tradition of Codex Vaticanus to be as accepting of change as the early Byzantine tradition of John Chrysostom. At the same time, we are not as surprised to find major variations in the Old Latin tradition as we are in the Latin Vulgate (which makes the PA’s appearance in the latter all the more remarkable). In fact, if we suppose that the full form of the PA first appeared in Bezae’s tradition, it is difficult to see how this opinion alone would challenge the common view that essential stability was achieved in the fourth century. Bezae’s exception while perhaps typical of its own tradition, would merit a mere footnote in relation to the rest of the tradition.

Major Late Textual Change in Bezae’s Tradition?

It is probably no accident then that the PA occurs first in a manuscript like Codex Bezae, a witness well-known for its high number of apparently singular and sub-singular readings. With regard to similar character and size, Bezae’s singular readings present us with other substantial changes, such as Jesus’ encounter with the Sabbath worker (Luke 6:5) or the harmonization of Luke’s genealogy to Matthew. While Bezae’s singular and sub-singular readings are often assumed to date to the second century, this is obviously a pure guess. After all, how can we be sure if the readings are otherwise unattested? While we cannot of course assume that all such apparently singular readings belong to Bezae’s copyist or even the copyist’s immediate tradition, this possibility is not at all implausible (Holmes, 2003).

It turns out then that this potential ‘upper’ layer of singular and sub-singular readings in Bezae could just as plausibly offer us a unique window not to the second century, but to the events surrounding Bezae’s production in ca 400! In fact, if we take Bezae’s various suggested tendencies in Acts, it turns out they consistently fit a context at the end of the fourth century as well as, if not better than a second-century context.

  • Bezae’s anti-Judaic tendency is certainly consistent with a second-century context as suggested, for example, by Justin’s rhetoric in the Dialogue with Trypho. But Justin’s display of anti-Judaism pales next to Ambrose’s attempts to lobby the emperor to withhold financing for the restoration of Jewish property destroyed by Christians!
  • Bezae’s favorable portrayal of Roman soldiers and officials, while puzzling in a second-century context, makes better sense at the end of the fourth century with a Christianized Rome.
  • Regarding Bezae’s interest in the Holy Spirit, it is telling to observe that Bezae’s paleographical date of ca 400 comes within twenty years of the Third Ecumenical Council (381), which clarified the place of the Holy Spirit in the Trinity.
  • Like the anti-Judaic tendency, Bezae’s so-called ‘anti-feminist’ tendency is generally consistent with a second-century context. But the readings themselves align particularly well with the conservative anti-ascetic movement at the end of the fourth century, represented by the likes of Jovinian and Ambrosiaster, who argued that women possess the imago Dei only through a man.
  • Bezae’s enhancement of Peter’s role at the expense of Paul is consistent with an increasing assertiveness of the papacy in political and ecclesiastical affairs at the end of the fourth century. But it is even more consistent with an anti-ascetic tendency, which would naturally look to Peter’s precedent, as the first of the married apostles, to that of Paul, the celibate apostle.

It turns out that most of the above tendencies can be seen in light of fourth-century controversies, perhaps suggesting a common impulse for at least some of the significant and seemingly late changes we find in Bezae. It stands to reason that a key source of pressure on the fourth-century text must have been the unbroken succession of theological controversies in which beatifications and anathemas were won and lost over the effective use of proof texts. While the Christianization of Rome no doubt encouraged standardization of the text, we might surmise that it also raised the stakes on which texts became standard. This leads us to wonder whether Bezae might not represent a rather unexpected sort of ‘controlled’ text in which stability and control do not necessarily align.